The Politics Of Aristotle
The Spartan Women
Again, the license of the Lacedaemonian women defeats the
intention of the Spartan constitution, and is adverse to the happiness
of the state. For, a husband and wife being each a part of every
family, the state may be considered as about equally divided into
men and women; and, therefore, in those states in which the
condition of the women is bad, half the city may be regarded as having
no laws. And this is what has actually happened at Sparta; the
legislator wanted to make the whole state hardy and temperate, and
he has carried out his intention in the case of the men, but he has
neglected the women, who live in every sort of intemperance and
luxury. The consequence is that in such a state wealth is too highly
valued, especially if the citizen fall under the dominion of their
wives, after the manner of most warlike races, except the Celts and
a few others who openly approve of male loves. The old mythologer
would seem to have been right in uniting Ares and Aphrodite, for all
warlike races are prone to the love either of men or of women. This
was exemplified among the Spartans in the days of their greatness;
many things were managed by their women. But what difference does it
make whether women rule, or the rulers are ruled by women? The
result is the same. Even in regard to courage, which is of no use in
daily life, and is needed only in war, the influence of the
Lacedaemonian women has been most mischievous. The evil showed
itself in the Theban invasion, when, unlike the women other cities,
they were utterly useless and caused more confusion than the enemy.
This license of the Lacedaemonian women existed from the earliest
times, and was only what might be expected. For, during the wars of
the Lacedaemonians, first against the Argives, and afterwards
against the Arcadians and Messenians, the men were long away from
home, and, on the return of peace, they gave themselves into the
legislator's hand, already prepared by the discipline of a soldier's
life (in which there are many elements of virtue), to receive his
enactments. But, when Lycurgus, as tradition says, wanted to bring the
women under his laws, they resisted, and he gave up the attempt. These
then are the causes of what then happened, and this defect in the
constitution is clearly to be attributed to them. We are not, however,
considering what is or is not to be excused, but what is right or
wrong, and the disorder of the women, as I have already said, not only
gives an air of indecorum to the constitution considered in itself,
but tends in a measure to foster avarice.
The mention of avarice naturally suggests a criticism on the
inequality of property. While some of the Spartan citizen have quite
small properties, others have very large ones; hence the land has
passed into the hands of a few. And this is due also to faulty laws;
for, although the legislator rightly holds up to shame the sale or
purchase of an inheritance, he allows anybody who likes to give or
bequeath it. Yet both practices lead to the same result. And nearly
two-fifths of the whole country are held by women; this is owing to
the number of heiresses and to the large dowries which are
customary. It would surely have been better to have given no dowries
at all, or, if any, but small or moderate ones. As the law now stands,
a man may bestow his heiress on any one whom he pleases, and, if he
die intestate, the privilege of giving her away descends to his
heir. Hence, although the country is able to maintain 1500 cavalry and
30,000 hoplites, the whole number of Spartan citizens fell below 1000.
The result proves the faulty nature of their laws respecting property;
for the city sank under a single defeat; the want of men was their
ruin.